When Đukanović’s DPS started advocating for an independent and sovereign Montenegro, Slavko Perović, out of rage and protest, shut down his party, the Liberal Alliance of Montenegro. Only because the idea that he advocated for a whole decade was taken over by someone who can execute it. The problem is actually different, Slavko Perović had no other program than the fight for an independent Montenegro. The opposition in Serbia is going to extremism and the right corner of political activity and is as disoriented as Slavko Perović in Montenegro, because Vučić took over to implement Serbia’s path to the EU, recovery of public finances, public sector reform, cooperation with the IMF, investments and capital inflows into the Serbian economy, the solution to the problem that is a centuries-old noose around the neck of Serbia, Kosovo. Instead of being satisfied because someone has the capacity, strength and support of voters to implement ideas that are advanced and that they have advocated for years, since their founding, they are sabotaging and criticizing everything they have fought for in the last 20 years. In psychiatry, it certainly has a Latin name, but even without knowing medicine, it is clear to us that it is a political suicide.
On the other hand, various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Serbia, which also do not understand the problem of Kosovo enough, behave like the citizens of the town who in the film “Death of Mr. Goluža” wait every day for their guest Goluža to kill himself, satisfied that he chose to end his life in their inert little town. And they convince Mr. Goluža that the people expect it from him. These NGOs are convincing Vučić to recognize an independent Kosovo and that is the only solution for them. The former (opposition) are asking, also without any idea, to freeze the Kosovo conflict, not to sign anything, not to allow Kosovo to get a seat in the UN … Neither of them know how to implement their idea or what consequences would that have for Serbia and its citizens. Both have no responsibility. Non-governmental organizations have the only responsibility towards financiers, and they fulfill it diligently. The people deprived the opposition of Serbia in the elections, i.e. released them from any responsibilities, saying clearly in the elections what they think about them. The only responsibility is therefore on Vučić. Responsibility towards voters, towards the citizens of Serbia, responsibility towards the generations to come, responsibility towards the Serbs in Kosovo, towards the future of Serbia …
The society, apart from being divided as always, is extremely irresponsible in the case of solving the Kosovo problem. I am talking about the thinking part of society, about those who influence the formation of public opinion in Serbia, about those who have a strong responsibility as public workers, university professors, institutes, media … If they were aware of those responsibilities, as responsible intellectuals, they would know very well that at this moment, the biggest and most difficult political and social issue of Serbia is being resolved in the long run, and that all others will directly depend on this good or less good solution. They would know that this is not a trivial political competition between the government and the opposition for about four years of mandate, but that it is one of the most important historical hubs in which their participation is not only desirable, but also mandatory. However, calculating and waiting around the corner, for the big crowd to pass, is a manner to which we are, unfortunately, accustomed from a large number of our intellectuals, people whose call is to explain to society what is good for them and what is not.
I am not in Vučić’s skin, but I am not one of those who would say that I would not want to be in his skin. The greatest support of the citizens since the establishment of the multi-party system in Serbia, apart from being pleasant, is binding. On the other hand, in connection with solving the Kosovo problem, the problem that Aleksandar Vučić has goes deep into the value and emotional framework. It is not humanly easy when you are defended by those whom you have despised politically all your life from those whom you have admired all your life.
To make complicated things simple, here is a very brief historical overview of the relations between Serbia and Kosovo, which will, I hope, help the indecisive and irresponsible to step out of intellectual melancholy, or political arrogance, and get involved in historically important work, if they care at all.
The Prizren League was founded in 1878 based on the idea of a Greater Albania. By 1912, 150,000 Serbs had been forcibly expelled from the territory of “Old Serbia” and colonized Albanians had settled there instead. At the Conference in Mukje 1 – 2.8. 1943 the Yugoslav CP promised the Albanians a Greater Albania that included Kosovo. On October 20, 1944, Tito promised Greater Albania to the Albanian delegates. In 1968, Albanians in Kosovo organized large demonstrations demanding a change in the SFRY Constitution. With the change of the SFRY Constitution in 1974, Kosovo gained broad rights and powers, with the right to veto the decisions of Serbia. Large demonstrations of Albanians from Kosovo in 1981, demanding that Kosovo be the seventh republic of SFRY. On July 2, 1990, not accepting the constitutional changes in Serbia, the Albanian delegates of the Assembly of Kosovo adopted the Constitutional Declaration and declared the separation of Kosovo from Serbia.
From 1991 to 1999, armed conflicts – the war of Albanians with Serbia for the independence of Kosovo. After the NATO intervention in 1999, Serbia withdrew from Kosovo. In March 2004, a major pogrom of Serbs took place in Kosovo. In 2008, Kosovo declared independence and autonomy recognized by the world’s largest powers, led by the United States. At Serbia’s request, in 2010 the International Court of Justice ruled that Kosovo had not declared independence contrary to international law. Then, Kosovo’s independence was formally legalized thanks to Tadić and Jeremić, who came up with this ingenious idea of seeking the opinion of the ICJ on the harmonization of Kosovo’s independence with international law. What the continuation of this historical series will look like depends to a large extent on us, in Serbia. The one who is negotiating on our behalf, the president of the state, shows enough historical maturity and state skills that we can trust him that the whole process will lead to an end that we will certainly not be satisfied with, but we will not be ashamed of either. Do all the rest of us in Serbia have at least a part of such responsibility and are we ready to help? Because the consequences, whether good or bad, we will share together.